They be lying

In this episode we gone dive back into the prostrate state, we have to understand why they did us like that, and hide the truth in lies, Dane Calloway is right they shipped us out, but it was only the men, they really thought they can just take our men place, them women didn't like they ass, some of them white people got they ass beat, they hated black women, because we love our men, even when they are not around. They had to lie about why them Men came back, to protect the lie about why they were gone, what happen and who they were, and no i dont think it was the whole government, but at that time EVERYBODY SAT BACK AND LET IT HAPPEN, even they country, and the United States Corporation lied because they helped the immigrants do it, they could NOT have completed, such an erasure without the United States Corporation, telling immigrants who had the rights they wanted, I mean the name change was on records, they didn't know them people already existed, YES they did, John Gavin was in the confederate military, everyone who was erased was, their families stripped from their lands, and killed for calling themselves "AMERICANS", they tell their descendants, "ohh y'all must be them people from africa", and make-up a whole story, I can't get over that shit, and I feel stupid for even looking, in Africa for an ancestor, so, to beat them at their game, we have to operate different and not be actors in their game. Inside the South Carolina General Assembly, Pike singled out names to build his argument. He, wrote about William J. Whipper, a Black lawyer and legislator, portraying him as a symbol of disorder despite Whipper’s legal training and disciplined legislative work. He, criticized Alonzo J. Ransier, the Black lieutenant governor, ignoring Ransier’s speeches defending civil rights and fiscal responsibility. Pike described the legislature as “a carnival,” but the record shows lawmakers debating taxation, education, and land reform. His narrative was designed to delegitimize the Assembly itself. By naming officials and mocking their presence, he attempted to make lawful governance appear unlawful. The battle over legitimacy was fought not in the courts but in the pages of Pike’s book, where he turned real men into caricatures to justify dismantling Reconstruction. “Charleston and the New Electorate”, In Charleston, Pike observed Black voters lining up at polling stations, many of them veterans, laborers, and newly literate citizens. He wrote about precincts where Black voters formed majorities, calling it “unnatural.” He referenced leaders like Richard H. Cain, the AME minister and congressman, whose speeches in Charleston drew crowds and shaped political consciousness. Pike ignored Cain’s education, organizational skill, and national influence. Instead, he framed the electorate as dangerous simply because it was Black. Charleston’s wards became symbols in his narrative — places where democracy was functioning, but where he insisted democracy was failing. The fear was not the city; it was the shift in power. Pike’s writing turned Charleston’s civic participation into a warning for Northern readers who feared the rise of a new electorate. “Names Used as Weapons”, Pike repeatedly invoked Franklin J. Moses Jr., Christopher C. Bowen, and Cardozo — the Black Secretary of State, Francis L. Cardozo, one of the most educated officials in the South. Cardozo held degrees from Glasgow and Edinburgh, yet Pike portrayed him as part of a corrupt machine. By attaching corruption claims to Cardozo’s name, Pike racialized the accusation. He ignored Cardozo’s reforms, including efforts to protect state funds from misuse. The tactic was clear: use names as weapons. By repeating them, he created an association between Black leadership and mismanagement. This rhetorical strategy helped Northern readers accept the idea that Reconstruction was inherently flawed. The weaponization of corruption claims became one of Pike’s most effective tools, even when the men he targeted had stronger credentials than many of their white contemporaries. “The Northern Reader and the Southern Stage”, Pike wrote for New York, Boston, and Philadelphia — cities where his reports were reprinted and debated. He described Beaufort, Columbia, and Charleston as if they were foreign territories under occupation. He referenced Black militia units drilling in Columbia, portraying them as threats rather than lawful state forces. He wrote about the State Treasury as if it were being looted daily, naming officials like Niles G. Parker, the Black treasurer, without acknowledging the political sabotage aimed at his office. Northern readers, tired of Reconstruction, accepted Pike’s descriptions as fact. His book became a bridge between Southern resentment and Northern fatigue, shaping the political climate that allowed Reconstruction to be abandoned. “Edgefield and the Rise of Redemption”, Pike referenced Edgefield County, home to men like Martin W. Gary, a former Confederate officer who later led paramilitary efforts to suppress Black voters. Pike did not condemn Gary’s violence; instead, he framed it as resistance to misrule. He described Edgefield as a place where white citizens were “forced” to act, ignoring the organized campaigns of intimidation carried out by Gary’s followers. The book’s narrative fed directly into the Redemption movement, which used Pike’s descriptions to justify restoring white control. Edgefield became a symbol — not of Black governance, but of the violent backlash against it. Pike’s writing gave Redeemers the intellectual cover they needed to present their actions as patriotic rather than reactionary. next episode “Beaufort’s Silenced Achievements”, This is AIHSEK EIRAM 'EL Remnant Soul on fire